The house of Industry : a new estate of the realm

UNEARNED INCOMES 39

have looked upon slums with the eyes of the financial knacker. They cannot complain if they are dosed with their own medicine. There is a moral case for confiscation.

On the other hand, we have witnessed the process of confiscation in Russia during the past decade. It is certainly not so lovely that we should desire it. The Oriental strain of cruelty in Russian methods, developed under the Tsars, continued by the triumphant revolution, may suit stomachs accustomed to it; it would certainly be repulsive to Great Britian and quite definitely is not to be thought of. Apart, however, from our sense of repugnance, the larger affirmation emerges that the social loss and disturbance, so bitter, so cruel, is not worth it. The dictatorship of the proletariat is not worth it. Not worth it in Russia; a thousand times not worth it in Great Britian. Paris started the fashion of epater le bourgeois; but it is well to remember that with the destruction of our middle class would go many qualities, many attributes, experiences and technical training of great value to the body politic.

That such problems arise from the transfer of economic power is plainly evident. But since social order is always to be preferred to disorder —is, in fact, the object of civilised governmentwe may dismiss any thought of confiscation.

Nevertheless, there are certain inferences arising from national control and co-ordination. In the dovetailing of this or that industry with another,